当初竟然能把所有家当都挤在这个房间

搬到新房.心胸都觉得更宽广了,结构属于townhouse.

客厅啥都没,电脑暂时搁那儿冒充电视.
烤箱洗碗机都不常用,厨房不是我的战场哈.
房间隔音不错.环境非常安静,交通也很方便.

一个人倒腾,都归置好了再多拍些.

The filters performed flawlessly during the six-day trial, which ran separate to the government’s filter pilot and concluded today. It recorded no false positives from some 20,000 hits against a blacklist of alleged child porn Web sites, and had “no measureable impact on any Exetel router”.

Exetel managing director John Linton said the 20,000 hits are bitter-sweet for the federal government, assuming each is considered an attempt to access an IP range connected to child porn Web site, because the filters could still be negated by anyone “mildly technically competent”.

“This trial also demonstrated why a child pornography filter is necessary; if you consider that Exetel has only around 1 percent of Internet users in Australia then you might be more than a little surprised at how many paedophiles that implies there are,” Linton said on his blog

“Trials will not stop the mildly technically competent internet users availing themselves of the myriad of tools to use some form of remote proxy to access any list of blocked sites.

“Basically [the federal government] will have to decide on shelving blacklisting child pornography or they have to scrap their ACMA list and find a substitute that is acceptable to the senate and the wavering Labor voters before the next election,” he said. “They no longer have the cop out of ‘it won’t work technically’”.

Exetel launched the mandatory filtering trial last week to assess first hand the performance and financial impact of applying content filtering to its network. It used the WatchDog International Web filter, which is featured on the government-prescribed list, and used its blacklist which the ISP says is similar to that used by the UK’s Internet Watch Foundation.

Network engineer Steve Waddington said in the ISP’s forums the trial was run irrespective of the views of its subscribers or management.

“Yes, yes, I know content filtering is a travesty of our rights (…to watch porn), thought control by fascist regimes, a return to the dark ages, etc. And, as I have argued elsewhere, not something I agree with – it being inappropriate, in my opinion, to use technology as both scapegoat and cure for a social problem,” Waddington said in an Exetel blog

“Nevertheless, should … Rudd mandate it, we, the people who will have to put it in place at Exetel, need to know how to do that. So, agree with it in principle or not, a trial of the technology before that happens is a sensible thing to do.”

Exetel claimed the filter trial had to be mandatory as an opt-in pilot would be “technically infeasible”.

The 56 problems recorded in the trial were not caused by the filters, and the ISP did not notice reduction in network speeds.

The filters used a BGP session between Exetel and the filtering server which resolves the blacklist to IP address and announces the addresses as /32 prefixes. ISP traffic requesting access to blacklisted are directed to the filter server which itself acts as a simple proxy for any whitelisted URL.

Exetel reported the configuration “imposes virtually no extra load on any part of the ISP network” and avoids overblocking: “it is hard to see how even a low end server would not be able to meet the demands of a very large ISP,” Waddington said. “It places so little load, and needs so little bandwidth, that for the trial we created a tunnel between our border router and a Watchdog filter server in New Zealand to make them look adjacent.”

Who will be able to tap into this upgraded communications delivery pipe is clearly a key component of the Government’s $43 billion broadband strategy. But a far more sensitive issue is the cost of access to the consumer.

For this project to fly there cannot be a perceived cost differential between those consumers living in high-density metropolitan areas and those living in sparsely populated regional sectors. The Government’s regional message must be that country services will be at metropolitan prices and of the same standard. If it fails to do this, the Government runs the serious risk of triggering an electoral backlash from rural voters who will see themselves again relegated to second-class status when it comes to infrastructure development, saddled with a more costly and inferior service.

Rural constituents claim history shows the bush has invariably come off second best as a result of changes in government policy on communications services. They expressed concern at the adverse effects on regional communities of the mobile phone conversion from analog to digital and later the scrapping of the code division multiple access service. More recently rural residents claim that mergers and takeovers that followed the Howard government’s scrapping of cross-media ownership rules have encouraged the demise of local news services, particularly at regional radio stations.

The Ruddnet concept, which is believed to have been largely cobbled together inside the CSIRO, promises to take a 100 megabits per second fibre optic broadband superhighway to 90per cent of Australians through homes, schools and workplaces.

The remaining 10 per cent of the community (and communication industry insiders believe this is really going to be more like 15 per cent) live outside the areas of heavy-to-medium population density. They will be covered by high-speed wireless and satellite services with an initial capacity of up to 12Mbps.

While this is a long way short of the 100Mbps on the superhighway, telecommunications experts say that the average individual demand on this is likely to be between 10Mbps and 14Mbps while the bigger demand will come from hospitals and industry. And the Government is understood to have been told by one Australian-owned potential satellite operator that it could raise the capacity of the regional service to 30Mbps in the short to medium term with an initial service beginning within six months of tender approval being given.

Creating a level playing field across the country on price and service should be a priority for the Government as it fleshes out the back-of-the-envelope costing of this mammoth project. With its first election since coming to power due next year, the Rudd Government needs to ensure that what has the capacity to establish Australia as an important source of export communications technology doesn’t deteriorate into a political nightmare.

The complexity of the Ruddnet project ensures that it will encounter big obstacles along the way. But alienating the rural vote does not have to be one of them. On the contrary, the speedy introduction of competitively priced satellite broadband services to regional Australia could be a vote winner for Rudd. It would demonstrate an understanding and compassion for the communications problems faced by regional communities, something they would say has been lacking in previous governments.

Rudd cannot afford to allow the hype around his broadband scheme to be seen as favouring big-city voters. Having captured the imagination of the public and industry by the sheer scope of this audacious concept, he needs to focus on the benefits this innovation can deliver to all Australians.

Moving ahead with a satellite-based broadband service to regional Australia, while the fibre-optic superhighway juggernaut chugs into gear, could go a long way towards achieving this.

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